Family Life and Sea Research Proposal

permissive attitude towards London sailor-town exist during the 1850-1860, and how did it change during the 1900-1910?

The main Theories Fronted

Although the marine community came from diverse backgrounds, the seafarers ashore had acquired a debauched image long before the 16th Century. The seafarers have won the appraisal of researchers for their role since then. According to Lee[footnoteRef:1], seafarers had delinked themselves from the usual expected bonds and roles in society as otherwise expected of all humans. They were believed to be vulnerable to being misled and were believed to be strangers to the civilized, polite norms of contemporary human decorum. Once seafarers went ashore, they were inclined to being irresponsible beings. They could engage in drunkenness as of habit. They practiced little restraint in general. The seafarers most likely committed many other ills while at sea. The lack of societal control that normally provides a steadying influence meant that the sea-men easily fell to the temptations of alcoholism and prostitution[footnoteRef:2]. [1: Robert Lee, "The Seafarers' Urban World . . . " 23] [2: Ibid, 24]

In general terms Sailortown was a cosmopolitan zone with varying cultural diversity. It had a clear diaspora space, yet it was most renowned for the revelry. It had numerous dancehalls, theaters for the low class, music halls, and several other recreational spots. The docking locations were well known vice centers. 6 Other port towns such as Liverpool and Hull had a high number of licensed premises of similar nature in 1841. Most of these premises were located near the quays and docks. It has also been observed that as far as relationships on shore were concerned, they only survived as long as the money lasted[footnoteRef:3]. Prostitutes in bare chest and bare head in London sought to gain from the excesses of the sea farers. Girls as young as 14 years were involved in the vice. Indeed, Liverpool Sailortown was filled with marauding prostitutes. Cardiff visitors at Tiger Bay had the luxury and broad range of choice when it came to the selection of harlots. They could choose a prostitute from a race of their choice. Antwerp was the center of fetish encounters between women while even Klongtai, as small as it was, was a hub inhabited by numerous whores[footnoteRef:4]. Sea fairing was generally regarded as young man's activity. The entry age was relatively low. The wastage rate was significantly high; a trend that was attributed to the lack of life experience by the young men, coupled with lack of training in any specialized field[footnoteRef:5]. In the later years of the 17th and the 19th C, the crew aboard the sailing ships always had a significant number of apprentices. Even among whalers, it was agreed that sea fairing was a lifelong occupation that required elaborate training. The career was not attractive to sailors beyond their middle ages. In America, the median age for sea fairing in the early part of the 19th century was only 25 years. This area was dominated by young people. Most of these young people left the trade after an average of 10 years. Before 1870, in Denmark, the distribution of seafarers based on age was eye-catching. It is reported that three quarters of such sailors were below 30 years. In the port of Stavanger in 1876, the median seafarer age was reported to have been 26.2 years. In the ports of Germany, sea faring was largely seen to be a transition from youth and marriage. In such ports as Hamburg in Germany, the sailor group between 20 and 30 years constituted 53.8%[footnoteRef:6]. It followed expectation that since most of the sailor crew was still young and unmarried, they inevitably sought female company at the first opportunity. The irregular and deviant behavior observed among them including drunkenness, and bad temperament was just part of the behavior that could only be expected from a group like that. Generally, they were limited to the quayside spatial horizons. They could be spotted in the brothels close to the dock area, or other entertainment places within the proximity of sailor town. [3: Gordon Jackson, Hull in the Eighteenth Century: A Study in Economic and Social History (London, 1972), 187] [4: Supra, note 1, 25] [5: Leslie Hughes Powell, The Shipping Federation. (Shipping Federation, 1950), 56] [6: Supra, note 1, 26]

Seamen could only feel comfortable around fellow seamen. There are accounts that indicate the presence of sea men who may not have been part of the crew. They shared lodging, amenities, and even the other excesses while at sea. It was common for pirates to travel together in groups while at sea for protection purposes. English seafarers abroad also followed suit. Seamen also embraced the idea of hospitality towards others. It was also noted that during such situations, kinship and friendship were regarded highly. Some seamen formed fixed relations with those who provided boarding for them. Indeed, when and if such seamen enjoyed a cozy relationship with their hosts, they would return the same hostelry whenever they travelled. Indeed, it was observed that seamen often remembered their hosts in their wills. Those in main port cities such as London were more commonly seen on such documents.

Thus, despite the liberal nature of the seamen mentioned above; as viewed from one perspective, according to Lee[footnoteRef:7], owing to the fact that seafarers were mostly found in the central part of sailor town, the hardship that came with seafaring was not unknown to the local populace. Seafarers were not reported to have caused trouble within ports or other local residential locations. The seamen were largely embedded within their families and sea networks. The idea of being irresponsible young members of the crew was a lie that was mooted by the ship owners to easily transfer blame for any liability to the crewmembers, and effectively avoid or limit such liability to the families of the crewmembers or their dependants thereof. [7: Ibid, 27]

Commonly, the view of the urban life as led by sea farers was viewed from the perspective of studies done on large ports. Thus, smaller anchorage ports have been ignored. Consequently, the life of seafarers has not been analyzed from an accurate social, cultural, and familial perspective. Seafarers are commonly treated as a unique group with their own cultural face. It is assumed that the group's urban influence was expressed within restricted but self-sufficient maritime corners; with the view of their lives ashore shaped by consistent images of a masculine camaraderie. The gratification of physical prowess along with the persistent hold to the existence of a maritime life and world set in a distinct and unique cultural formation[footnoteRef:8]. [8: Ibid]

This essay examines the considerations stated above. As pointed out in the arguments above, the permissive view of sailor town in London between the 1850s and 1860s and the subsequent transformation that occurred in 1900 to 1910 is a subject worth examining in this paper.

Sailortowns: Composition of the Population

Maritime commerce greatly influenced European urbanization. Statistical reports show that by 1850, 40% of all major urban cities across the globe were seaports with an average of 100, 000 inhabitants. This scenario held true until mid-20th C. when port-based cities began to be eclipsed by industrial cities and rise of other commercial on large scale[footnoteRef:9]. While the port city demographic history can be accurately seen only through considering their regional locations and their distinct position in an urban hierarchy, the rise of the main business ports in the 19th century in Europe was significantly influenced by a marked overreliance on immigration. Indeed, the development of such major cities was a hallmark of prosperity, a buoyant economy full of employment opportunities and the chance of acquiring immense wealth. [9: Robert Lee, Configuring the city: 94]

The elites in such major cities as Liverpool, London, and Glasgow earned large incomes from even the early 18th century. It would be erroneous to imagine that the elite merchants always sought a unifying trade policy or even that internal difference s did not deter the adoption of specific interests. It has become evident that elite merchants frequently operated in a cohesive fashion. The urban elite from Bristol belonged to various denominations. There is no evidence of any discrimination against any religious minorities. A separate and distinct association represented the collective interest of the owners of the ships, irrespective of whether it was in Liverpool or Cardiff. After the issuance of a new charter in 1695, the main merchants demonstrated a united front[footnoteRef:10]. When the chamber of commerce was put up in Liverpool in 1851, there was a marked show of cooperation between the merchant groups. This was contrary to the popular belief that it was not possible for the groups to meet and agree on any common cause. [10: Ibid, 102]

There is a clear and urgent need to examine the role of the elite merchants in port cities. This is necessitated by factors such as the underlying uncertain nature of the trading activities, the failure risk, and the…